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Fifteen governors announced the Governors Public Health Alliance, a coalition designed to coordinate public health policy across states. The Alliance positions itself as a response to what its members call a lack of science-based leadership from Washington under the second Trump administration.
All founding members are Democrats. They say the group is nonpartisan because it follows scientific guidance. Critics call it a partisan operation that will fragment the nation’s public health system.
The GPHA describes itself as a “nonpartisan coordinating hub for governors and their public health leaders.” The organization connects member states on health surveillance, emergency response, and policy coordination.
Health threat detection: The Alliance creates channels for states to share data on emerging health threats.
Emergency preparedness: Member states pool resources and best practices for crisis response.
Public health guidance: The group aims to align policies on issues like vaccine recommendations across state lines.
Global health liaison: The GPHA plans to engage directly with international health organizations, a role typically held by the federal government.
The Alliance connects with existing regional groups like the West Coast Health Alliance and the Northeast Public Health Collaborative, creating a national platform for their work.
The coalition includes 14 states and Guam, representing roughly one-third of the U.S. population. All founding governors are Democrats.
| State/Territory | Founding Governor |
|---|---|
| California | Gavin Newsom |
| Colorado | Jared Polis |
| Connecticut | Ned Lamont |
| Delaware | Matt Meyer |
| Guam | Lou Leon Guerrero |
| Hawaii | Josh Green |
| Illinois | JB Pritzker |
| Maryland | Wes Moore |
| Massachusetts | Maura Healey |
| New Jersey | Phil Murphy |
| New York | Kathy Hochul |
| North Carolina | Josh Stein |
| Oregon | Tina Kotek |
| Rhode Island | Dan McKee |
| Washington | Bob Ferguson |
The nonprofit GovAct (Governors Action Alliance), founded by Julia Spiegel, incubated the GPHA. GovAct describes itself as a “centralized platform for collaboration across governors’ offices” to help them “champion fundamental freedoms and improve people’s lives.”
The Alliance uses two advisory groups to claim bipartisan legitimacy:
GovAct’s Bipartisan Advisory Board includes former Republican governors Arne Carlson (Minnesota), Marc Racicot (Montana), and Bill Weld (Massachusetts), along with Democrats Jim Doyle (Wisconsin), Deval Patrick (Massachusetts), and Kathleen Sebelius (Kansas). Former federal officials Sally Yates and Larry Thompson also serve.
Public Health Expert Advisors include Dr. Mandy Cohen (former CDC Director), Dr. Anne Zink (former Alaska Chief Medical Officer), and Dr. Raj Panjabi (former White House Senior Director for Global Health Security and Biodefense). Dr. Zink has said she joined only because the initiative is nonpartisan.
This structure separates the Democratic governors who run the Alliance from the bipartisan and expert advisors who guide it, creating a defense against partisanship accusations.
The GPHA launched as a direct response to Trump administration health policies, particularly those of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Illinois Governor JB Pritzker accused the federal government of “abandoning science for conspiracy theories.”
New York Governor Kathy Hochul said the administration was “wreaking havoc on public health” by undermining vaccine access, attacking abortion rights, and slashing Medicaid funding.
Maryland Governor Wes Moore stated that when the federal government tells states “you’re on your own,” governors must work together.
California Governor Gavin Newsom positioned the Alliance as protection against “political interference” and a counter to “extremists [who] try to weaponize the CDC and spread misinformation.”
These governors believe federal health agencies, particularly the CDC, have been compromised through leadership changes, reduced transparency, and the sidelining of scientific advisory bodies.
The Alliance pledges to ensure public health decisions are “driven by data, facts, and the health of the American people” rather than political ideology. This positions member states as defenders of evidence-based policy against what they see as federal hostility to scientific consensus, especially on vaccines.
Several governors, including Connecticut’s Ned Lamont, have compared the GPHA to regional pacts formed during the COVID-19 pandemic. When federal guidance seemed inconsistent, states collaborated on messaging, travel restrictions, and medical supply procurement. The GPHA formalizes this state-led approach.
The Alliance’s creation opens a fight over who controls the public health narrative in America. GPHA governors argue the administration politicized federal agencies like the CDC, requiring a new source of authority. The administration counters that these governors destroyed public trust during COVID-19 with mask mandates and school closures.
This reflects competing definitions of public health. For GPHA states, it’s a collective good protected by expert-guided government action. For the administration, it’s about individual liberty and freedom from government overreach.
The GPHA moved quickly to demonstrate its operational capacity beyond political statements.
Coordinated executive action: Member states share strategies for preserving COVID-19 vaccine access, including standing orders to counteract federal guidance changes.
Expert briefings: Governors and their public health teams receive regular updates from Alliance advisors, providing scientific information independent of federal channels.
Policy toolkits: The GPHA develops resources for responding to major events like sporting competitions or political conventions, and for managing emerging health threats with coordinated cross-state communication.
The Alliance serves as a national umbrella connecting regional groups. It links the West Coast Health Alliance and Northeast Public Health Collaborative, amplifying their work on issues like bulk vaccine procurement and supply chain resilience.
The GPHA mirrors core CDC and HHS functions: expert briefings, policy guidance, and national strategy coordination on vaccine distribution and pandemic response. For member states, it operates as a parallel CDC providing services and scientific validation they no longer trust federal agencies to deliver.
This raises questions about resource duplication and whether a nonprofit-backed state coalition can replicate the scale, funding, and research capacity of federal public health agencies.
The gap between the GPHA’s “nonpartisan” branding and its all-Democratic membership generates the sharpest criticism.
Supporters argue the Alliance’s nonpartisanship comes from its mission to follow science, not from member party affiliation. They point to the bipartisan advisory board with Republican former governors and the independent health experts. Dr. Mandy Cohen notes that staff from Republican-led states have attended GPHA briefings.
Critics say an organization of only Democratic governors is partisan by definition. Several founding governors—Gavin Newsom, JB Pritzker, and Wes Moore—are potential 2028 presidential candidates, suggesting political positioning may drive their participation. GovAct has also coordinated Democratic-led alliances on abortion access, reinforcing perceptions that it advances partisan policy rather than nonpartisan governance.
The Trump administration rejects the GPHA’s premise. HHS spokesman Andrew Nixon argues that GPHA governors “destroyed public trust” during COVID-19 through “unscientific school closures, toddler mask mandates, and vaccine passports.” He calls these the “failed politics of the pandemic.”
The administration claims it’s working to “rebuild that trust by grounding every policy in rigorous evidence and Gold Standard Science.” This rhetoric mirrors the Alliance’s language about science and evidence, framing the GPHA as a continuation of failed policies by discredited actors.
Policy experts warn the GPHA could create a “two-track system of public health protection.” GPHA states would follow one set of guidelines while non-member states follow different federal guidance or their own policies.
Stanford law and health policy professor Michelle M. Mello says this could create dramatic variations in public health protection by zip code. Because infectious diseases cross state borders, this fragmentation could undermine national pandemic response.
Politically defined health blocs operating with different facts and recommendations could increase public confusion and erode trust in all public health institutions.
The GPHA shifts American federalism. The traditional model features federal agencies setting national standards that states implement and adapt. The Alliance creates parallel guidance competing with the federal government for legitimacy, resources, and public trust.
States are no longer just “laboratories of democracy” testing policies. They’re building rival power centers on national security issues like pandemic preparedness. This competitive federalism could make the public increasingly cynical about all official health advice, regardless of source. Creating an alternative system to “rebuild trust” may further erode the concept of a single, reliable source of scientific truth.
How the GPHA Differs from Existing Groups
The GPHA’s structure and mission contrast sharply with traditional interstate collaboration.
Founded in 1908, the National Governors Association represents all 55 states, territories, and commonwealths. It provides a forum for sharing best practices, developing bipartisan policy solutions, and speaking with unified voice on national policy.
The NGA maintains substantial public health infrastructure. Its Center for Best Practices and Public Health and Emergency Management Task Force support governors on health issues. The NGA provides policy analysis, technical assistance, and learning networks on Medicaid, the opioid crisis, chronic disease prevention, and epidemic preparedness. Task forces are typically co-chaired by one Democrat and one Republican.
Key differences:
Partisanship: The NGA is structurally bipartisan. The GPHA, despite its bipartisan advisory board, operates through an exclusively Democratic membership.
Federal relationship: The NGA collaborates with and influences the administration and Congress on behalf of all states. The GPHA was created to counter the federal government.
Scope and speed: The NGA is comprehensive and consensus-driven. The GPHA is focused and designed for quick action on specific public health threats.
The GPHA’s existence suggests its founding members believe traditional bipartisan mechanisms like the NGA can’t address their concerns in a hyper-partisan environment. If the NGA’s consensus model could resolve disputes between GPHA states and the Trump administration over science and public health, the Alliance likely wouldn’t exist.
The NGA seeks common ground. The GPHA defends what its members consider a non-negotiable position: the integrity of science-based policy.
The GPHA’s formation criticizes the NGA’s effectiveness when common ground on fundamental issues has vanished. When one side views the other as operating outside accepted bounds of facts and reason, polite bipartisan negotiation breaks down.
If governors feel they must create partisan alliances because traditional bipartisan forums are inadequate, it signals decay in collaborative structures managing state-federal relations. The GPHA isn’t just a new organization. It’s a symptom of declining influence among the old ones.
Colorado Gov. Jared Polis (holding dog) and family: two very special reasons to believe in vaccines.
Democrats dominated the first major Election Day since President Donald Trump returned to the White House.
And while a debate about the future of the Democratic Party may have only just begun, there are signs that the economy — specifically, Trump’s inability to deliver the economic turnaround he promised last fall — may be a real problem for Trump’s GOP heading into next year’s higher-stakes midterm elections.
Democrats on Tuesday won governor’s races in Virginia and New Jersey, the only states electing new chief executives this year. They also swept a trio of state Supreme Court contests in swing-state Pennsylvania and ballots measures from Colorado to Maine.
Trump was largely absent from the campaign trail, but GOP candidates closely aligned themselves with the president, betting that his big win last year could provide a path to victory this time. They were wrong.
Democrats are hoping the off-year romp offers a new winning playbook, but some caution may be warranted. Tuesday’s elections were limited to a handful of states, most of which lean blue, and the party that holds the White House typically struggles in off-year elections.
Meanwhile, Republicans in Washington may be more excited than Democrats that a self-described democratic socialist will become New York City’s next mayor.
Here’s some top takeaways:
A new Democratic playbook emerges
Former Rep. Abigail Spanberger will become Virginia’s next governor — and its first female chief executive — while Rep. Mikie Sherrill won the New Jersey governor’s office by running campaigns focused largely on the economy, public safety and health care.
Early results showed Democrats outperforming their margins from four years ago in fast-growing suburbs, rural areas and even places with high concentrations of military voters.
The Democrats won by actively distancing themselves from some of the Democratic Party’s far-left policies and emphasized what Spanberger described in her victory speech as “pragmatism over partisanship.”
A growing collection of Democratic leaders believe the moderate approach holds the key to the party’s revival after the GOP won the White House and both congressional chambers last year.
Above all, the Democrats in both states focused on rising costs such as groceries, energy and health care, which Trump has struggled to control.
In addition to tacking to the middle on economic issues, Spanberger and Sherrill downplayed their support for progressive priorities, including LGBTQ rights and resistance against Trump’s attack on American institutions. Spanberger rarely even mentioned Trump’s name on the campaign trail.
Both also have resumes that appealed to the middle.
Spanberger is a former CIA case officer who spent years abroad working undercover, while Sherrill spent a decade as an active-duty helicopter pilot for the Navy before entering Congress. Both played up their public safety backgrounds as a direct response to the GOP’s attack that Democrats are soft on crime.
It’s (still) the economy, stupid
Trump and his Republican allies have been especially focused on immigration, crime and conservative cultural issues.
But voters who decided Tuesday’s top elections were more concerned about the economy, jobs and costs of living. That’s according to the AP Voter Poll, an expansive survey of more than 17,000 voters in New Jersey, Virginia, California and New York City suggesting that many voters felt they can’t get ahead financially in today’s economy.
Ironically, the same economic anxieties helped propel Trump to the White House just one year ago. Now, the economic concerns appear to be undermining his party’s political goals in 2025 — and could be more problematic for the GOP in next year’s midterm elections, which will decide the balance of power for Trump’s final two years in office.
That’s even as Trump regularly brags about stock prices booming and boasted about leading a new renaissance of American manufacturing.
About half of Virginia voters said the economy was the most important issue facing their state while most New Jersey voters said either taxes or the economy were the top issue in their state. Just over half of New York City voters said cost of living was their top concern.
It was unclear whether kitchen table concerns weighing so heavily on voters might help break the impasse that has prompted the government shutdown, which has spanned more than a month.
A referendum on Trump
This was the first election since Trump’s return to the presidency and voters rejected candidates and causes aligned with his Republican Party from Virginia and Pennsylvania to Maine and New Jersey. It was, in fact, difficult to point to any significant victory for Trump’s party.
They also expressed strong feelings about the direction of the country under his leadership.
About 6 in 10 voters in Virginia and New Jersey said they are “angry” or “dissatisfied” with the way things are going in the country today, according to the AP Voter Poll. Just one-third said they are “enthusiastic” or “satisfied.”
In a sign of the extent of the GOP’s struggles, Republicans lost the Virginia attorney general’s race to Democrat Jay Jones, who was forced to apologize after text messages surfaced weeks before Election Day in which he depicted the murder of political opponents.
Fearing a bad night, Trump tried to distance himself from the election results.
The president endorsed Ciattarelli in New Jersey but held only a pair of tele-town halls on his behalf, including one Monday night. Trump also did a Monday night tele-town hall for Virginia Republican candidates, but he focused mostly in favor of the GOP candidate for attorney general, who also lost.
Despite Trump’s distance, his policies — including his “big, beautiful” budget bill and his massive cuts to the federal workforce — played a central role in Virginia, New Jersey and even New York City’s mayoral contest. And the Republicans in each refused to distance themselves from the president or his agenda.
The results left the president ducking blame.
“TRUMP WASN’T ON THE BALLOT, AND SHUTDOWN, WERE THE TWO REASONS THAT REPUBLICANS LOST ELECTIONS TONIGHT,” according to pollsters, he posted on his social media account.
Trump planned to have breakfast Wednesday at the White House with Senate Republicans who have so far opposed his calls to end the shutdown by abandoning the legislative filibuster, the 60-vote minimum needed to pass most major legislation though the Senate.
A new star for Democrats (and Republicans) in New York City
Moderates won in Virginia and New Jersey. But it was a self-described democratic socialist who cruised to victory in New York City.
Zohran Mamdani, a 34-year-old state legislator who backs radical changes to address economic inequality, will serve as the next mayor of the nation’s largest city.
His bold agenda and inspirational approach helped generate the largest turnout in a New York City mayoral race in at least three decades. It also spooked some business leaders and voices in the Jewish community, who otherwise support Democrats but oppose some of Mamdani’s past statements about personal wealth accumulation and Israel.
Trump, who actually endorsed Mamdani’s independent opponent, former Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo, falsely called Mamdani a communist on the eve of the election.
Some Republicans in Washington were quietly rooting for a Mamdani victory. Even before his win was final, Republican campaign committees launched attack ads against more than a dozen vulnerable House Democrats in New York and New Jersey linking them to Mamdani and his far-left politics.
The ad campaign is expected to extend to Democrats across the country ahead of next year’s midterms.
More Democratic wins
The Democratic successes extended beyond Virginia, New Jersey and New York.
In Pennsylvania, Democrats swept all three elections for state supreme court justices. The wins could have implications for key cases involving redistricting and balloting for midterm elections — and the 2028 presidential race — in the nation’s most populous swing state.
Conservative causes struggled on ballot questions in other states as well.
Maine voters defeated a measure that would have mandated showing an ID at the polls while approving a “red flag” rule meant to make it easier for family members to petition a court to restrict a potentially dangerous person’s access to guns.
Colorado approved raising taxes on people earning more than $300,000 to fund school meal programs and food assistance for low-income state residents.
And in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom, frequently mentioned as a 2028 presidential hopeful, led a triumphant charge to redraw congressional maps to give Democrats as many as five more House seats in upcoming elections.
The push is the centerpiece of a Democratic effort to counter new Republican maps in Texas and elsewhere that were drawn to boost the GOP’s chances in next year’s fight to control Congress. For the new maps to count in 2026, however, Californians had to vote on a yes-or-no ballot question known as Proposition 50. It was easily approved.
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The Trump administration has given Immigration and Customs Enforcement an absolutely staggering amount of money to hurt immigrants, and they’re not letting it go to waste.
Fortunately for ICE—but unfortunately for everyone else—tech companies are happily playing their part in building a truly dystopian society, one where you are always under the administration’s gaze.
According to 404 Media, ICE is using a facial recognition app to identify people, including citizens. Videos show ICE agents stopping random kids on bikes and people in cars and, if they don’t have or refuse to provide identification, they point their little cellphones at them to scan their faces.
The outlet wasn’t able to confirm which app ICE is using, but in the past they’ve used Mobile Fortify, which contains 200 million images as well as data from the State Department, Customs and Border Patrol, the FBI, and state records. A scan of someone’s face returns detailed information, including name, date of birth, nationality, and immigration status.
This sounds a lot like ICE now has the power to stop anyone they want for no particular reason and demand they submit to biometric screening to prove they’re a citizen. And if they aren’t, they’re presumably arrested.
You’ll note in this grand plan that there’s nothing about the probable cause ICE has to stop people with this high-tech version of “papers, please.” Indeed, it looks a lot like ICE simply profiles people and then subjects them to a search. Because that’s exactly what scanning your face after detaining you is: a search.
Because we have the Fourth Amendment, searches are supposed to be based on a reasonable, particularized suspicion. In other words, law enforcement officers are supposed to have a specific, reasonable concern about a specific person or persons before stopping them. Otherwise, officers could just stop anyone at any time for any reason.
Okay, well, we did have a Fourth Amendment. In September, the conservatives on the Supreme Court decided it’s A-OK to racially profile Hispanic people, considering things like the language they speak, their accent, where they're located, and what type of work they do.
The majority didn’t bother to explain their reasoning, but we can all thank Justice Brett Kavanaugh for his smug concurrence describing how this would work in practice.
“If the officers learn that the individual they stopped is a U. S. citizen or otherwise lawfully in the United States, they promptly let the individual go,” he wrote.
Do they, Brett? Do they?
What about the more than 170 citizens who have been detained by ICE? What about Maria Greeley, a U.S. citizen born in Illinois, who was stopped by federal agents and told that she didn’t look like she should have the last name Greeley, presumably because she’s Latina and a service worker? Those agents grabbed her, zip-tied her hands, and detained her based on their racist ideas about what kinds of last names immigrants should have.
And this is undoubtedly going to get worse as the Trump administration leverages its cozy relationships with big tech companies helmed by morally deficient billionaires.
ICE has partnered with Peter Thiel’s Palantir—to the tune of $30 million of your tax dollars— which is building “ImmigrationOS,” a cutesy little name for another tool of the surveillance state.
The justification for giving Palantir all of that money? It will streamline the identification of immigrants and make their removal more efficient. Also, without ImmigrationOS, ICE won’t be able to target MS-13 and Tren de Aragua gang members … because we’re still pretending this is about gang members.
The government also just gave a different facial recognition company, Clearview, a cool $10 million for access to its giant database to identify people who assault immigration agents. Given how much the Department of Homeland Security lies about these so-called assaults, this looks much more like it will be a tool for identifying, targeting, and arresting protesters.
While DHS wants to know everything about you, they’re not very interested in you knowing anything about them. Thanks again to the complete moral collapse of big tech billionaires, any attempts to report the location of ICE agents or even to simply host videos of ICE’s past misdeeds have been obligingly deleted from app stores.
And don’t sleep on how handy it is for ICE to get unfettered access to government databases. One of the big projects of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency was to break down the firewalls between government databases so the administration could better target and torment immigrants. DHS demanded that the Internal Revenue Service provide data for 7.3 million taxpayers in violation of privacy laws. And when the acting general counsel refused to do this, the administration shoved him out.
The government is pouring so much money into surveilling immigrants, but it’s really doing double duty. Trump is in the process of creating an ever-watchful government that has no guardrails.
And really, who is going to stop him?
"We can all thank [Kangaroo Court] Justice Brett Kavanaugh for his smug concurrence."
ACT I
President Donald Trump posts on Truth Social in March:
To the Great Farmers of the United States: Get ready to start making a lot of agricultural product to be sold INSIDE of the United States. Tariffs will go on external product on April 2nd. Have fun!
ACT II
Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins says in April:
There's no one that's going to fight harder or smarter or more strategically than @POTUS—for ALL Americans ... we are going to put America FIRST; not China, not India, not beef from Argentina, not dairy products from Canada — but America first.
ACT III
Trump says in October:
The only price we have that's high is beef, and we'll get that down. And one of the things we're thinking about doing is beef from Argentina.
Weirdly, American farmers don’t like this play. The people who most strongly supported Trump in all three of his elections are now crying about it.
“NCBA’s family farmers and ranchers have numerous concerns with importing more Argentinian beef to lower prices for consumers. This plan only creates chaos at a critical time of the year for American cattle producers, while doing nothing to lower grocery store prices,” said Colin Woodall, CEO of the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, a strongly pro-Trump organization.
Actually, this self-interested industry hack is wrong. Importing Argentinian beef will lower prices. It’s basic Econ 101: more supply means lower prices.
And that’s exactly the problem for America’s farmers—they’re not essential. If food can be produced cheaper elsewhere, we’ll buy it elsewhere.
For decades, blue America and blue cities in red states have subsidized rural America’s inefficiency—funding hospitals, schools, postal service, broadband, and other infrastructure in places with more cows than people. And for that generosity, we’ve been repaid with resentment, bigotry, division, and the election of the man who embodies all of it.
So to hell with all their precious subsidies. There’s a certain poetic justice in watching Trump’s most loyal supporters become his latest victims. Just months after his agriculture secretary promised to protect them from Argentinian beef in the name of “America First,” Trump threw them under the tractor.
That’s the story of Trumpism, really—betrayal dressed up as populism—as he works to help his friends (in this case, Argentina’s right-wing president Javier Milei) at the expense of his country.
Now, the people who cheered him the loudest are finally learning what the rest of us already knew.
Screwing farmers might be Trump's biggest faux pas since slapping tariffs on penguins. Wonder if penguins taste anything like beef?
House Speaker Mike Johnson is still defending his asinine decision to keep the House in recess for more than a month.
"House Republicans are doing some of the most meaningful work of their careers,” he said during a news conference Monday. “They are in their districts working around the clock with their constituents, helping them not only to negotiate the crisis that's been created by this Democrat shutdown, but all the other matters that they need to attend to. And I am hearing from them individually. They are having some of the most meaningful interactions at a time of great crisis with their constituents that they've ever had, and that's really, really important. So I don't want to pull them away from that work.”
Johnson also claimed that there’s "plenty of time" left in the year for Republicans to do the legislative work that they were elected to do—even though that’s not at all true.
Not a single individual spending bill needed to fund government functions for the entire fiscal year has made it to President Donald Trump’s desk for a signature. In fact, the stopgap continuing resolution that Republicans passed in September is set to expire on Nov. 21. So even if the government reopened today, that would give Congress less than a month to pass the longer-term spending bills needed to keep the government open.
Republicans are also not working on legislation to extend Affordable Care Act subsidies to prevent millions of Americans’ health insurance premiums from doubling, which is why the government has shut down in the first place. Though a number of GOP lawmakers are now privately fretting that not taking action will hurt their party in the 2026 midterms.
As for the "meaningful" work that Johnson says Republicans are doing in their districts, it certainly can’t be town hall meetings to hear constituents' concerns.
Johnson told Republicans not to hold town halls, since voters are showing up to yell at them for cutting Medicaid and food stamps and for allowing Trump to wreck the economy with his idiotic tariffs.
In fact, Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks of Iowa—one of the most vulnerable Republicans up for reelection in 2026—said that she'll hold a town hall "when hell freezes over.”
Perhaps the "meaningful" work includes virulently racist Rep. Randy Fine of Florida trying to "denaturalize and deport" New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani.
“I just think we need to take a hard look at how these folks became citizens, and if there is any fraud or any violation of the rules we need to denaturalize and deport,” Fine told the New York Post Saturday.
Then there’s Rep. Anna Paulina Luna of Florida, who met with the leader of Russia's sovereign wealth fund during his visit to the United States to try to convince Trump and the GOP not to impose sanctions on Russia for targeting innocent civilians in its evil war on Ukraine.
And we can’t forget Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, who’s been continuing his investigations into the Biden administration in an attempt to gin up anger among the right. What a "meaningful” use of his time.
Other Republicans are merely using their time off to defend Trump from whatever new scandal is plaguing his administration, whether it be his demolition of the White House, his demonization of the massive “No Kings” protests, or his $230 million shakedown of U.S. taxpayers.
Despite his many excuses, the reason that Johnson doesn't want to bring the House back from recess is because it would force him to swear in Arizona Democrat Adelita Grijalva, who would be the final signature to force a vote on releasing the Epstein files—which Trump doesn’t want made public.
It would also allow congressional reporters better access to GOP lawmakers to ask questions about the shutdown and Trump's other lawless actions, which could cause bad news cycles for Republicans who are already struggling to deflect blame for their shutdown.
At the end of the day, voters are unlikely to buy Johnson’s spin that it’s more “meaningful” for Republicans to be on vacation than it is for them to be doing their jobs.
This statue of Trump and Epstein skipping merrily along currently adorns the Washington Mall. Where have all the little girls gone?
Explaining the Right is a weekly series that looks at what the right wing is currently obsessing over, how it influences politics—and why you need to know.
In response to Democrats highlighting GOP opposition to Affordable Care Act subsidies on which millions of Americans rely, Republicans have once again been forced to revisit their approach to health care.
GOP Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin argued that losing critical health care subsidies is not a serious issue, even as families have been experiencing sticker shock as their premiums increase.
“I don't think this is going to be any kind of gut-wrenching problem if these enhanced subsidies just go away. We'll probably have to weather the lies told by the Democrats. Democrats say all sorts of things that are untrue,” he told CNBC.
Meanwhile, failed presidential candidate and current Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis questioned whether people even need comprehensive coverage.
“Most people, particularly under 50, what they really need is a catastrophic plan that’s affordable, where then they can pay whatever they’re doing out of a health savings account,” he argued.
DeSantis is a Navy veteran and has access to comprehensive coverage for himself and his family, by the way.
In Congress, the subsidies have become a pivotal issue in the ongoing government shutdown. Republicans have refused to pass legislation that would fund the vital program, forcing a shutdown that has rippled through the economy.
Opposition to health care legislation runs deep within the Republican Party, which has opposed efforts to help families for decades.
Back in the early 1960s, when he was transitioning from actor to politician, Ronald Reagan made a recording that was sent out across the country warning about the dangers of “socialized medicine.”
Before President Lyndon B. Johnson signed popular programs like Medicaid and Medicare into law as part of his “Great Society” policies, Reagan and company said that health care would be used to open the door to communism.
Of course, that never happened.
A little more than 30 years later, the Clinton administration made a push for health care reform. The right railed against the plan, which was shepherded by first lady Hillary Clinton, ultimately killing reform for more than a decade.
It took the crisis of the Great Recession and the overwhelming victory of President Barack Obama to make health care reform a possibility in 2009. The right mounted what was arguably its biggest smear campaign to frame the plan—which was modeled after Republican ideas executed in Massachusetts—as a socialist takeover of the health care system.
The right-wing talking point that the legislation would create “death panels” of bureaucrats cutting off health care was dubbed “lie of the year” by PolitiFact that year. Ultimately, the campaign was unsuccessful, and Obama signed the Affordable Care Act—which the right mocked as “Obamacare,” in 2010.
After that, the right failed to challenge the legislation all the way to the Supreme Court, spending many of the following years voting over and over again in Congress to repeal the bill.
In the heat of the fight over the ACA, conservative voters showed where they stood. In a 2011 Tea Party debate with presidential candidates, audience members cheered on the notion that, instead of providing government-funded health care to a sick patient, it would be preferable to just “let him die.”
But when the right wasn’t fighting against insurance reform and comprehensive coverage, they were attacking health care in other venues.
For example, the late Sen. John McCain of Arizona slammed Democrats for supporting abortion care when the “life of the mother” is at risk, using air quotes to sarcastically repeat the phrase during a debate against Obama in 2008.
More recently, the Trump administration has pursued numerous cuts and changes to health care for veterans. And ahead of the passage of health care cuts in the GOP’s “One Big, Beautiful Bill,” Sen. Joni Ernst of Iowa argued in May that it didn’t matter if people lose their health care because “we all are going to die.”
Right-wing figures like Trump have spent nearly a decade promising a policy solution to health care issues. Trump first promised a health care plan that would provide “insurance for everybody” back in January 2017. It still hasn’t happened.
What the right refuses to acknowledge is that the public—including many Republicans—backs government-supported health care. Programs like Medicare, Medicaid, and now Obamacare have significant support.
It turns out that people would prefer to see doctors and have access to medication instead of relying on the “free” market and the profit-driven whims of the insurance industry.
Conservatives have devoted themselves to destroying and undermining government assistance on health care while failing to provide any real alternative.
The right supports a world where health care is so nonexistent that the alternative is sickness, suffering, and death—and the quicker the better.
Heather Digby Parton / Salon President Donald Trump. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg/Gett...